☘  Utah Senate District 1 · 2026 Substack Research ↗
☘   WRITE-IN CANDIDATE  —  Fred Hayes' name is NOT on the ballot  —  Write in: FRED HAYES   ☘
Utah Senate District 1 · 2026
Fred Hayes
Write-In Candidate · Utah State Senate · 2026
⚠  Critical Voting Information  ⚠
Fred Hayes is a Write-In Candidate
His name will NOT appear on the ballot.
To vote for Fred, you must write in his name yourself:
Fred Hayes
☘  Please spread the word — tell every voter in your precinct to write in Fred Hayes  ☘

A watchman on a tower who knows that the security of a state consists in the watchfulness of its citizens.

📋 Convention Summary · Apr 25
The Senate District 1 convention result was 125 for the incumbent and 29 for Fred. Ballots were counted electronically without separation into one pile for each candidate — making any independent estimation of margin impossible. A recount request was denied on the grounds that the margin was not close enough. Alert: no one can have any idea of the margin unless there is division of the ballots. The GOP doesn't want to acknowledge that they need unverified ballot counts in order to massage the vote. The proper way is to separate ballots, view the pile sizes and let candidates with close pile sizes be prepared to request recounts based on scanner ballot feeding error, etc. Infinitely better: hand count. Ask your why the Republican party does not hand count ballots. The answer is not that it is a party of conservatives.
Read Analysis ↗

Election Integrity & the Foundation of Self-Governance

Fred Hayes has been researching Utah's election system for years. He knows that Utah's systems are similar to others in use across the US — systems in which all kinds of cheating have been witnessed. The machines are largely the same, communications are similar, and the software has been developed by an incestuous network of corrupt companies. It would be naive to think Utah wouldn't have cheating, when needed, for specific races.

The legislature is built on top of the voting system that 'interprets' the voice of the people. When that foundation is unreliable and manipulable, the legislative process itself becomes compromised and populated by illicitly elected individuals pursuing agendas the people never sanctioned.

Fred's experience is of inestimable worth. He knows how fraud has been enabled by electronic election systems. No basic training required — his engineering education, work experience and personal research are ready arrows in his quiver. No election-system vendor will be able to fool him. Fred is the right replacement for legislators who lack technical expertise and who spend their time legislating-as-usual in a time of existential threat to the bedrock processes of suffrage.

From the attention they give it, apparently many in the Utah Legislature either think the election system is okay — or they value the election system's ability to manipulate results.
What Fred Has Found
Fred has been seeking pots o' golden answers about Utah's election system by obtaining closely hoarded data wherever a wee bit can be scratched up. Many of his public information requests have been denied, and much election code has been misinterpreted to support those denials. Public officials who refuse public data requests are simply covering up fraud.
Fred has discovered thousands of registered voters who were registered on days that election officials do not work.
Fred has tabulated over 19,680 ballots that were not counted because of signature mismatch — now 20,008. They don't throw them out lightly: it is forgery, or it is the accidental erasure of your suffrage.
Fred knows that many county certificates of election do not contain accuracy statements.
Fred knows the Edison Reporting Service went down across Utah — highlighting that Utah elections are synced with nationwide manipulations. The restart of the Edison system was marked by subtractions of vote totals in several Utah counties. Everyone knows that vote-counting is an additive process.
Fred witnessed the corrupt trial of Mesa County Clerk Tina Peters in Grand Junction.
📜
⚠  Most Critical Research · April 2026
Declaration: Rush Valley Voter Anomalies

Of all the research Fred has produced, this declaration strikes closest to the heart of what is broken. The Rush Valley findings do not describe systemic ambiguity or procedural grey areas — they describe anomalies so stark they demand an official response. This is the document that changes the conversation.

📜  Read the Declaration ↗

Issues of Interest

The election systems we use are infinitely more important than legislation which eventually flows from them. Talking about various and specific legislation in a time characterized by corrupted election systems is largely a fools errand because any significant legislation can be undercut, as needed, by the ensconced politicians, but they like to keep the people busy tracking ongoing legislation as if it were a legitimate meaningful process incapable of illicit manipulation. Nevertheless, here are some of my political interests that come a distant second place relative to reestablishment of a decent election system (an election system with integrity).

Protecting public health requires a balanced, evidence-based approach that prioritizes safety, transparency, and individual rights. The COVID-19 pandemic response highlighted significant failures, ignoring natural immunity, and reliance on unethical and illegal mandates that eroded public trust. Federal vaccine mandates have exposed serious concerns about medical ethics, abuse of the fundamental right to informed consent and the ability to refuse treatment, a cornerstone of bioethics that respects bodily autonomy even when public health goals are at stake. Vaccine rollouts during the COVID scamdemic were immediately dangerous to life and health. Vaccine safety monitoring systems like VAERS (Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System) captured hundreds of thousands of reports of adverse events following COVID-19 vaccination, but have yet to be opened for inspection and use and pharmaceuticals still have indemnity from harm due to vaccines. Personal stories from mandate victims, such as healthcare workers or military personnel who faced job loss, health complications, or coercion, underscore the human cost of one-size-fits-all policies. True health protection demands rigorous post-market surveillance, open discussion of risks versus benefits, avoidance of overreach in mandates, and unwavering commitment to ethical principles: do no harm, prioritize voluntary participation, and safeguard the right to refuse medical interventions. Informed choice, not compulsion, best serves both individual welfare and societal resilience.

Read more on Substack ↗

The public school system was designed to serve families — not the other way around. Fred believes that parents, not administrators, curriculum boards, or state agencies, are the sovereign authority over their children's bodily autonomy, what they learn, read, and are exposed to in a school setting.

This means full transparency in records and curriculum, the right to opt children out of any program without penalty, and real parental representation in school governance.

Read more on Substack ↗

Public-private partnerships sound like efficiency. Too often they are mechanisms for privatizing profit while socializing risk — for channeling public resources to well-connected developers and interests while insulating them from the accountability that genuine market competition would impose.

Fred will demand full transparency via GRAMA and public benefit analysis on any partnership arrangement that uses taxpayer money, eminent domain, or government-granted advantage. The public is not a silent investor to be used and ignored. Every PPP must be measured against a simple question: who actually benefits, and at whose expense?

Read more on Substack ↗

The flood of fentanyl and other chemical weapons into American communities is not an accident of supply and demand. It is largely the work of foreign adversaries — principally by the Chinese Communist Party working through cartel networks — to hollow out American communities, demoralize the workforce, overwhelm public institutions, and destabilize civil society.

Utah is not immune. Fred believes that any legislator who fails to recognize this for what it is — an act of warfare by proxy — is unfit to protect the people. He will pursue state-level responses that treat this as the national security threat it is, and oppose any policy that normalizes or facilitates drug dependency.

Read more on Substack ↗

The push for high-density housing development across Utah communities is being driven not by genuine housing need assessments, but by a pipeline of federal and state funds that flow — in ways that deserve scrutiny — toward politically connected developers and organizations. The pattern is consistent enough to warrant the word laundering.

Public money is allocated for "affordable housing" or "community development," passes through quasi-governmental and nonprofit intermediaries, and surfaces as profit for a narrow class of beneficiaries while existing neighborhoods are disrupted and property rights are eroded. Fred supports full accountability for housing funds.

Read more on Substack ↗

A significant proportion of the social unrest visible across American cities is not spontaneous. It is organized — and the organizers have learned that individuals compromised by psychiatric medication, drug dependency, or deliberate psychological destabilization are readily recruited and manipulated into visible, disruptive roles.

Fred believes that understanding this infrastructure is not conspiracy — it is operational analysis. The questions worth asking are: who funds the organizations that recruit and deploy these individuals? What is the relationship between pharmaceutical over-prescription, institutional mental health policy, and the supply of people in crisis? And what legislative tools exist to disrupt this pipeline without punishing the vulnerable individuals who are themselves victims of it?

Read more on Substack ↗

Under current Utah law, Public Infrastructure Districts allow private developers, 'stakeholders' per the current government jargon, to issue long-term municipal bonds — bonds that carry the tax-free status of public debt — to finance their own private buildings and developments. The interest rates on these instruments are allowed to be higher than ordinary property tax rates, meaning the public subsidy owing to their liberal tax-rate and the bonds' tax-exempt status is a personal benefit.

This is a wealth transfer dressed up in infrastructure manipulation that most municipal officers can't comprehend. Developers issuing PIDs get the financing advantages of government-backed debt while bearing none of the accountability that genuine public borrowing deserves. Taxpayers and neighboring property owners bear the risk; the developers pocket the margin. Fred believes PIDs as currently structured should be eliminated. Public bonding authority is a public trust — not a tool to be handed to private interests with a government seal.

Read more on Substack ↗

Utah's budget has expanded far beyond the pace of population and inflation growth. Fred believes that every dollar spent by government is a dollar taken from the productive economy — from the family, the farm, the small business. He will vote against spending that lacks clear constitutional justification and push for sunset provisions on programs that have outlived their mandate.

Fred also knows that bloated government is not just a fiscal problem — it is a power problem. Dependency on government spending creates constituencies for expansion, not accountability.

Read more on Substack ↗
⚠  Most Critical Research · April 2026
Declaration: Rush Valley Voter Anomalies

Above all the research Fred has published on Utah's election system, this declaration stands apart. The Rush Valley findings are not matters of interpretation or procedural complaint — they are documented anomalies of a character so exceptional that they compel a response from every official who has sworn an oath to honest elections.

Fred has signed and filed this declaration under penalty of perjury. The data does not lie. Rush Valley's voter registration figures currently defy every legitimate explanation. This is the document that strips away any remaining presumption of good faith from those who insist Utah's elections are clean.

This is the evidence. Read it, share it, explore the data, download the file, search it, share it and demand that your elected representatives answer for it. Every voter in Utah and the United States deserves to know what Fred has found.

📋  SD1 Convention · April 25, 2026
Convention Result: 125 to 29

Fred received 29 votes to the incumbent's 125. Ballots were tabulated electronically without prior separation by candidate, making independent verification of the result impossible. A recount request was denied on the grounds that the margin was not close enough. The rejection of Fred's recount request is the exact analog to being present for a voice vote, calling for division (an undebatable request) and being denied second method of counting.

Could ye put in a wee word with yer friends?

Share the declaration. A document this consequential deserves to be read by every voter.

Fred Hayes for Utah Senate · Paid for by Fred Hayes · No PAC Money  ·  Substack

Gold Ballots — Article Index

🗳  Gold Ballots  ·  canvassideas.substack.com

Fred's ongoing research and writing on election integrity, monetary policy, and civic accountability — published at Gold Ballots on Substack. Click any article to read the full piece.

Filter:
📋 SD1 Convention · April 25, 2026
The Convention Result — and What It Cannot Tell Us

The reported convention vote was 29 for Fred and 125 for the incumbent. Fred solicited responses from all delegates on the evening of convention day (by text message) in an attempt to find out how many delegates voted for him (quality check on electronic tabulation), but received only two replies. Because no separation of ballots by candidate preference was performed prior to tabulation, there was no opportunity for a qualitative visual assessment of the relative sizes of the ballot piles. A recount was therefore requested.

The ballots were electronically tabulated with a final result of 129 to 25. While it is possible this result is accurate, it is worth noting that the incumbent legislator has strong incentives to avoid empowering an election integrity advocate who might disrupt established practices.

The Election Chair ruled that a recount could not take place because the result was not close enough.

This ruling highlights a broad issue: when ballot separation by candidate is skipped and electronic tabulation is used, then THE MARGIN IS UNKNOWN. This is the current reality for handling results with scanners and no up-front ballot separation.

Fred is documenting this exploit which uses electronic scanning (conducted in the April 2026 Utah State GOP Convention) which highlights that the proper ballot tabulation process is to first separate ballots by candidate choice in the presence of witnesses. This allows everyone to gain an immediate qualitative sense of the relative pile sizes. If one candidate's pile is clearly much smaller, no recount is needed. If the piles appear roughly equal, then a recount becomes meaningful and the interested party can request one with justification.

People place great trust in electronic systems, but they should not. Electronic voting without proper physical safeguards is like using paper money without precious metal backing — technically functional, yet fundamentally unanchored from verifiable reality.

📊 SLCo Voter Registration · Nov 3, 2020
Salt Lake County: Who Is Really Registered?
Salt Lake County Voter Registration Categories Pie Chart — 66% Public (405,221), 18% Withheld (110,000), 16% Private (95,000) — Total 610,221 registered voters

On November 3, 2020, Salt Lake County — home to roughly one-third of Utah's entire population — reported 610,221 registered voters. That headline figure, however, masks a structural problem.

Sixty-six percent (405,221) are classified as Public — their registration information is available for public inspection at a hefty fee. A further 16% (95,000) are classified as Private, meaning their data is shielded from public access. The State alleges these people are classified this way with documented reasons but in practice no such documentation is demanded by the process.

An enigma lies in the Withheld category: 18% — approximately 110,000 voters. Utah statute restricts Withheld status to active military personnel, law enforcement officers, and individuals holding protective orders. The problem? Utah does not have 110,000 individuals in those three categories combined. The Withheld category is, by any honest accounting, massively overpopulated — and as Fred's Rush Valley research demonstrates, fabricated Withheld entries are a signature element of artificial voter-roll inflation.

The note on the graphic says it plainly: Utah does not have 110,000 active military, law enforcement personnel, and individuals with protective orders combined — hence the Withheld category includes many ineligible registrants.

You Might Not Find Out You Already Voted
Voter Roll Suicide
North Star Alaska Precinct Election Results are Impossibly Special!
Databases of Public Information
No Fraud in Utah Elections?
Widespread Incest
Records Request Showdown
Watch Hawaii Election Meeting
DOJ decides to Drop Prosecution
Popular Silver & Gold Bill Vetoed by acting-Governor Cox
265 Box Elder Ballots
Tina Peters Day — Today
Soliciting your Prayers
Oldtime Elections, Part 4
Oldtime Elections, Part 3
'Oldtime' Elections, Part 1
Legitimate Elections
Viewing Eclipses Naturally
Read the Research. Know the Stakes.

Fred's writing goes where most candidates won't — into the machinery of elections itself.

Fred Hayes for Utah Senate · Paid for by Fred Hayes · No PAC Money  ·  Substack
📜
⚠  The Declaration was Signed Under Penalty of Perjury · April 23, 2026 · Box Elder County, Utah
Summary of the Declaration of Frederick Samson Hayes
Rush Valley Precinct 23RV01:1 · Tooele County · Utah
📄  Download a PDF of the Original
Frederick Samson Hayes declares, under penalty of perjury, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1746, that the following is true and correct.
1. I hold a Master of Science degree in Chemical Engineering from Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah.
2. I have 28 years of professional experience working as an engineer in munitions incineration, sulfur recovery, sulfuric acid production, rocket motors, heat exchange, construction and reliability.
3. My engineering education and professional experience have required me to give detailed evaluations to problems involving complex systems and computer-controlled processes to identify patterns, inconsistencies, and potential issues in technical data and procedures commonly using spreadsheets or programming languages.
4. I am not a computer scientist, software engineer, or expert in voting machine technology or election administration software nor do I hold accredited certifications in voting systems, their internal programming nor the testing of them, however, as a trained and experienced engineer, I am highly qualified to review data for basic consistency, procedural integrity, and the presence or absence of normalcy.

373 Clones — 24 Real People

5. I have personally reviewed the Rush Valley, Tooele County, Utah voter registration list generated in December 2025 as provided to me from the Tooele County Republican Party. On 13 April 2026, I received a link to the Tooele GOP shared spreadsheet as part of my campaign for the 2026 Utah State Senate. Immediately after opening the list I perused the data and within the first few screens I noticed twenty-three identical names. This piqued my curiosity into the integrity of the data and I soon found many more anomalies in the data of Rush Valley Precinct 23RV01:1.
6. The total number of Rush Valley registrants is 397. The Rush Valley registration consisted of twenty-four (24) non-duplicated individuals whom I refer to as the 'originals', the remaining 373 are clones bearing the exact names of the twenty-four originals. Those twenty-four individuals along with their clones comprise eleven (11) groups of twenty-two (22) identical names, twelve (12) groups of eleven (11) identical names, and a single group of twenty-three (23) having the same name. The twenty-four non-duplicated people have just eleven (11) distinct surnames. The surnames only include names starting with the letters A and B which does not suggest alphabetical randomness.
397
Total Registrants
24
Real Individuals
373
Cloned Entries
94%
Fraudulent Records

A Cascade of Impossibilities

7. For each of the 24 original names there is one regular (normal looking) registered voter address in the 'House Number' column. For reference I define the registered voter associated with this normal looking address to be the 'sources' that were cloned eleven times, twenty-two times or twenty-three times. For each group of identical names all but one was registered at non-integer street numbers, ie: the 'House Number' column is highly ordered after being sorted. The 'House Numbers' start at 462.217391304347 and decrease from there in irregular looking steps of 15.712608686957 ultimately going negative in value and ending at −5382,873043478270 after 372 subtractions. Three hundred seventy-three odd house numbers in a continuous sequence. These numbers appear to be randomly scrambled in customary views of the spreadsheet. The reason they look random is because evidence suggests that they were scrambled in all four compass directions (N, E, S, W) and then split onto 41 different streets. It appears that the suspicious linear series of house numbers were placed in the House Number column after the clones were created. When people use these type of spreadsheets they sort by name, by voter ID or by privacy status, and when doing that the house numbers don't appear unnaturally ordered. (Table omitted... see the actual pdf for the table) The percentage correlations indicate that the clone overlay closely mimics the original frequencies (the cloned frequencies trended as the original frequencies) suggesting this simple (4 direction) operation was likely done with an algorithm. Alternately, there are many street names (41) and populating the Street columns for clones with an algorithm is relatively complex compared to populating Street-Direction-Prefix’s which have just the two opposites for E-W and N-S. The Street column for the clones shows evidence of manual manipulation in one instance in which an extra space is inserted showing ‘Highway 199’ in the original (two spaces) and ‘Highway 199’ (one space) in the clones. Secondary evidence of manual manipulation is that the Street Direction Prefix is centered in the columns for all original registrants and it is left justified for all clones.
8. Four of the cloned registrants were registered at sequentially different PO Boxes (ie: 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362) in the 'Mailing Address' column; implying multiple persons with the same name each holding PO Boxes a single digit apart is not random or likely. Real voters with the exact same first + last name living at consecutively numbered PO Boxes would be an extraordinary coincidence in itself. The likelihood of that many identically named people obtaining a cumulative total of fifty (50) PO Boxes, in order without skipping a number is vanishingly small. The fact that every registrant of the four clusters shares the identical voting status, party affiliation and update date, while only the PO Box and age differ, is a giant red flag identifying falsified records.
9. Four of the cloned registrants were registered on incrementing state highway designators (199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209) in the 'Street' column. Note that only one of the listed state highways, Hwy 199, exists in Rush Valley. SR-199 runs from SR-196 near Dugway Proving Ground into Rush Valley running east to Clover intersection with SR-36 (about 22 miles). The rest of the state roads exist far away from Rush Valley or don't exist at all. (For reference see the ‘Functional Class’ map in the Transportation data category at http://opendata.gis.utah.gov)
10. There are a variety of different birth years or age groupings listed for all twenty-four (24) of the cloned groups which indicates that the column titled "DOB/YOB/Age Range" had been altered from the original registrant's single data value.
11. The 'Privacy Status' column of the Utah voter registration database identifies the registrant's registration category as either Withheld, Private or Public. Utah lists the registration numbers of the Public and Private voters but does not list the registration numbers or names of Withheld voters. Instead, a 64-character hexadecimal cryptographic hash is provided in the 'Voter ID' column that the Elections Offices can use to match a registrant. These types of hashes look like the following: a068d8dab57a4a6a620324a61a85498bfe43e632f9e3ec7723a6634807d1bc7d
12. The Privacy Status distribution for Rush Valley is 56 Withheld, 169 Public and 172 Private. None of the twenty-four cloned records associated with real house numbers were 'Withheld' status yet 56 clones gained the status. Noticeably, when creating the Rush Valley Withheld voters, the editor left the voter names in all the records, contrary to the proper practice of removing the name — as would have been done automatically if produced by Utah's Vista software. This is a clear signal pointing to irregular, custom, non-Vista handling of the Rush Valley data. Since none of the originals were registered in the 'Withheld' category, all of the fifty-six (56) hashes must certainly be invented or appropriated from elsewhere. If the hashes are viable for identifying a Withheld voter, that viability would not come without access to the hash index.
13. Tooele County's registration numbers range from about 500,000 to 7,000,000 then begin at about 102,000,000 and run to about 103,000,000. The selection of registration numbers for the 373 clones in Rush Valley was from the lower zone. The numbers which were selected ranged from about 1.0 million to 6.5 million with large amount taken around 411,000. The registration number finding operation would have required query tools available in Vista, pollpads, TotalVote or other database management packages.

Orchestrated, Deliberate, Illegitimate

14. In my professional opinion as an engineer with extensive experience in data analysis, the Rush Valley voter registration list shows clear evidence of orchestrated, deliberate manipulation by persons with sophisticated data handling skills; at a minimum 373 of the 397 Rush Valley precinct registrations listed in the file are probably illegitimate. I do not know anything about the chain of custody or the authenticity of the list other than that I received it as described and hope that it will be thoroughly researched, reported on and prosecuted at all applicable levels of government. Without having access to any historical data it is not possible to compare this 2026 Rush Valley anomaly to any previous registration data, neither is it possible to check on the status of any Public or Private registration numbers through the state website vote.utah.gov without valid addresses and exact birthdates.
15. (No paragraph 15 appears in the executed declaration.)
16. I have personal knowledge of the foregoing and am fully competent to testify to it at trial.
Attestation

I declare under penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and correct.

Executed on April 23, 2026.

Frederick Samson Hayes
Declarant
Notarized
Signed under oath before Notary Public
State of Utah · Box Elder County
April 23, 2026
Staci Olson · Comm. No. 727253 · Expires Oct 14, 2026
📄 Download Original PDF 📊 Explore the Data ↗ All Research on Substack ↗
Fred Hayes for Utah Senate · Paid for by Fred Hayes · No PAC Money  ·  Substack

Rush Valley Precinct 23RV01:1 — Live Data Explorer

All 397 anonymized registrant records. Names have been replaced with coded identifiers to protect individual privacy. Use the column filters, search box, and sortable column headers to explore the anomalies described in the Rush Valley Declaration.

Rush Valley Data Explorer

All 397 anonymized registrant records from Rush Valley Precinct 23RV01:1. Names have been replaced with coded identifiers to protect individual privacy. Click the button below to open an interactive spreadsheet — search, filter by privacy/party/status, and sort any column.

Fred Hayes for Utah Senate · Paid for by Fred Hayes · No PAC Money  ·  Substack